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Celebrations of indigenous genocide also have no clear parallel in mainstream discourse acne 6 months postpartum buy curacne 30 mg with amex. Thus one finds prominent essayist Christopher Hitchens describing protests over the Columbus quincentenary as "an ignorant celebration of stasis and backwardness acne keloidalis treatment purchase curacne 40mg without a prescription, with an unpleasant tinge of self-hatred skin care laser clinic birmingham curacne 20 mg amex. The transformation of part of the northern part of this continent into "America" inaugurated a nearly boundless epoch of opportunity and innovation acne 5 months after baby purchase curacne 20 mg with mastercard, and thus deserves to be celebrated with great vim and gusto, with or without the participation of those who wish they had never been born. Note, for example, the practice of adopting ersatz Indian names and motifs for professional sports teams. If this standard is adopted, there is nothing in recorded human experience to set alongside the genocide of the indigenous peoples in the Americas. It lasted longer, and destroyed a greater percentage and possibly a greater total number of victims, than any genocide in history. But in most or perhaps all cases, this accounted for a minority of deaths among the colonized peoples. The forced-labor institutions of Spanish America also demonstrated a high degree of conscious intent. The mechanisms of death were not appreciably different from those of many Nazi slave-labor camps. There is little doubt about the genocidal intent underlying conscious biological warfare against Indian nations. A lesser but still substantial degree of intent also featured in the numerous cases where disease was exacerbated by malnutrition, overwork, and outright enslavement. In addition, many of the connections between hygiene, overcrowding, and the spread of disease were poorly understood for much of the period of the attack on indigenous peoples. Genocide studies emphasizes the role of the state as the central agent of genocide, and one certainly finds a great deal of state-planned, state-sponsored, and state-directed killing of indigenous peoples. In many and perhaps most cases, however, the direct perpetrators of genocide were colonial settlers rather than those in authority. Indeed, as in Australia, settlers often protested the alleged lack of state support and assistance in confronting the "savages" on the frontier. To the extent that policies were proposed to halt the destruction of native peoples, it was often those in authority who proposed them, though effective measures were rarely implemented. Measures were taken, as at Flinders Island, to "protect" and "preserve" aboriginal groups, but often these actually contributed to the genocidal process. State authorities, though they might occasionally have decried more wanton acts of violence against natives, were above all concerned with ensuring that the colonial or post-colonial endeavor succeeded. First, the prevailing elite view of history has tended to underestimate the role of the millions of people who migrated from the colonial metropole to the "New World. As with the indigenous population, death usually resulted from exposure to pathogens to which they had no resistance. To cite an extreme example, "it is said that 6,040 died out of the total of 7,289 immigrants who had come to Virginia by February, 1625, or around 83 percent. To limit the discussion to the Americas: it was broadly true that genocide, and war unto genocide, featured only rarely. War among North American Indian communities (excluding present-day Mexico) was generally "farre lesse bloudy and devouring than the cruell Warres of Europe," as a European observer put it. The Aztecs so ravaged and alienated surrounding nations that these subjects enthusiastically joined with invading Spanish forces to destroy them. This pattern of collaboration with the conquering force, often arising from and exacerbating the tensions of indigenous international relations, was quite common throughout the hemisphere. Reference has already been made (Chapter 1) to subaltern genocide, in which oppressed peoples adopt genocidal strategies against their oppressors. Latin America offers several notable examples, studied in detail by Nicholas Robins in his book Native Insurgencies and the Genocidal Impulse in the Americas. I believe we can sympathize with the enormous and often mortal pressure placed upon indigenous peoples, while still recognizing that a genocidal counter-strategy sometimes resulted.

Samantha Power writes: "It is shocking to note that during the entire three months of the genocide acne breakouts cheap curacne express, [President] Clinton never assembled his top policy advisers to discuss the killings acne zones on face order curacne 30 mg with visa. Prunier notes that "by the end of the Belgian presence in Rwanda in 1959 acne 40 years purchase curacne online now, forty-three [prefectural] chiefs out of forty-five were Tutsi as well as 549 sub-chiefs out of 559 acne medication prescription order curacne without a prescription. The myth still occasionally surfaces, as when Andrew Bell-Fialkoff refers to "the Hamitic Tutsi. Christopher Taylor, Sacrifice as Terror: the Rwandan Genocide of 1994 (Oxford: Berg, 1999), pp. Bill Berkeley, for example, contends that "No rational person could have looked at the history of repeated mass slaughters in Rwanda and Burundi since 1959 and doubted for a moment that at least one likely outcome of such an invasion would be massive violence against defenseless Tutsi civilians. Kuperman, "Provoking Genocide: A Revised History of the Rwandan Patriotic Front," Journal of Genocide Research, 6: 1 (March 2004), pp. Alison Des Forges, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (New York, Human Rights Watch, 1999), p. Burundi, like Rwanda, has a large Hutu majority and a small but traditionally dominant Tutsi minority. In 1972, some 200,000 Hutus were slaughtered by the Tutsi-dominated army, in what has been termed an "eliticide": the primary targets were educated and/or wealthy Hutu males. The 1972 genocide was echoed by further outbreaks of mass killing of Hutu in 1988 (20,000 killed) and 1991 (a further 3,000 deaths). In October 1993 the Hutu president of the country was killed, leading to an outburst of genocidal violence against both Tutsis and Hutus that established a "basic pattern" for the events in Rwanda the following year (Scherrer, Genocide and Crisis, p. Together with the moderates in the Rwandan army and with the peacekeepers there would have been ample troops to restore calm. In neighbouring Kenya there were 500 Belgian para-commandos, also a part of the evacuation operation. Linda Coverdale), Machete Season: the Killers in Rwanda Speak (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2005), p. According to Christian Scherrer, "The map showing the places where the largest massacres occurred was almost identical with that of the religious centers in the various dioceses and parishes of Rwanda. African Rights, Rwanda: Not So Innocent: When Women Become Killers (London: African Rights, 1995), p. The death-tolls usually cited for these cases are 36,000 (Odessa) and 33,000 (Kiev); according to Eugen Kogon, the highest number of killings in a single day at AuschwitzBirkenau was 34,000 (Kogon, the Theory and Practice of Hell [New York: the Berkley Publishing Company, 1980], p. Darryl Li, "Echoes of Violence," in Mills and Brunner, eds, the New Killing Fields, p. There were more than 2,500 elite soldiers from the French Foreign Legion, paratroopers, marines and special forces, all equipped with state-of-the-art weaponry, communications, one hundred armoured vehicles, heavy mortars, helicopters, and even jet aircraft. The complex and excruciatingly destructive conflict(s) in Congo had killed between 3. After independence from Belgium in 1960, Congo fell under the sway of an army colonel, Mobutu Sese Seko. Mobutu proved to be corrupt and megalomaniacal, "a ruthless crook who fitted his palace with a nuclear shelter, hired [the] Concorde for shopping trips and so gutted the treasury that inflation between October 1990 and December 1995 totalled 6. Ironically, it was this humanitarian crisis that galvanized the world, not the genocide against Tutsis. An attempted drive on Kinshasa by Rwandan forces and anti-Kabila Congolese was halted only by the military intervention of Angola and Zimbabwe. Together with Namibia and Chad, these represented the coalition that maintained Kabila in power until his 2001 assassination. Many of the killers were paramilitaries and freebooters, often cut adrift from more traditional military forces. Others were government troops who felt abandoned by central authorities in Kinshasa: "Paid poorly, if at all, undisciplined and feeling abandoned, these fighters calculate they have more to gain from looting and shooting than maintaining the fiction of an integrated national army.

A successful search requires the board to always refer back to the goals and vision laid out earlier in the transition process acne quistico purchase curacne amex. An organization may never find the "perfect candidate" for the job skin care education order curacne 5mg line, but the board should not compromise as it looks for someone with the fundamental skills and qualifications that are required to stabilize the organization and create a successful future acne yellow crust order curacne 40 mg overnight delivery. Pre-Search Assessment If the board has been engaged recently (and deeply) in strategic or long-range planning acne under nose buy cheap curacne line, then transition planning might start with revisiting key elements of the strategic plan and moving directly into a discussion about what skills and characteristics the organization needs in a chief executive in order to accomplish its goals. If a strategic plan is nonexistent or out of date, the transition planning work will have to begin at a more fundamental level. Board and staff leaders can clarify current and future leadership needs by focusing on the following three sets of strategic questions in a series of meetings or a mini-retreat: 1. If there is a gap between our present and our desired future, what kind of leadership will it take to close the gap What does our assessment of where we stand and where we are headed tell us about any pivots or changes the board may need to make Listing the Desired Characteristics At a minimum, the board should sign off on a description of the desired competencies, character, personality, and experience that a new chief executive should have. If the organization has been on a growth trajectory, for example, it may want to look for a chief executive who has experience leading a larger group. In startup organizations, the chief executive is often the founder and keeper of the vision that attracts board members, volunteers, and donors. In a mature organization-one that has had, say, five or more chief executives-the chief executive must sometimes move slowly in changing the vision because so many are now aware of it and believe in it. But he or she must embrace the vision and find new ways for people to relate to it. A board needs a chief executive who can explain, persuade, and empower others to do their best. A few can persuade by the sheer strength of their domineering personalities, although depending on guilt, intimidation, or obligation is typically a short-term leadership style. They go the extra mile, challenging board members, staff, and donors to be above reproach in all areas. Sometimes a law is misunderstood; sometimes a donor tempts one to compromise in return for a gift. But people see the successful chief executive as committed to what is good and honest. When mistakes are uncovered, this type of chief executive is willing to face the music and correct what is wrong. They focus on their strengths to achieve the productivity they enjoy, and they manage their weaknesses-often through delegation. Whether it is a quiet, personal decision following private reflection or a group decision facilitated by the chief executive, the fundamental role of good leaders is to make the call. Startup organizations are often managed by visionaries, who reach their goals by being flexible. As their organizations grow, however, a decision made late-or never made at all-has a negative effect. One way to compensate is to appoint a chief operating officer who makes decisions easily and put him or her in charge of daily operations. Well-organized chief executives know how to manage their schedules to keep family, friends, leisure, and work in balance. They manage their finances well enough to keep themselves and their organizations free from constant money crises. A chief executive who is not well organized needs a solid staff structure as a support and to get the day-to-day tasks accomplished. Nonprofits, too, can improve their bottom line by reaching out to other groups in the independent sector, to businesses, to media corporations, and to government agencies. They need a chief executive with the strategic vision, inventiveness, and diplomatic skills to bring together very different organizations to accomplish a shared goal. If a chief executive is not naturally endowed with high energy, he or she must learn how to generate energy through proper exercise, diet, and rest and how to conserve energy through good planning, wise decision making, and a readiness to delegate. Writing the Position Description Any chief executive is asked to achieve the intended results within the policy parameters set by the board. But candidates will want to see what the board expects the chief executive to accomplish, how the position relates to the board, and what the specific duties are. Identifying Candidates and Narrowing the Field Contacting a broad group of people who know good prospects is the primary way to build a list of potential candidates.

These processes both conditioned and reflected the broader popular hostility in wartime acne in early pregnancy discount curacne express. Mao Zedong acne medication accutane quality 20mg curacne, Chinese revolutionary leader Revolutions are sudden acne around chin cheapest generic curacne uk, far-reaching acne queloide purchase genuine curacne on line, and generally violent transformations in the political order. Social revolutions, which go beyond a change of political regime to encompass transformations of the underlying class structure, are particularly wrenching. Beginning with the English Civil War of 1648, the American Revolution of 1776, and the French Revolution of 1789, the modern era has witnessed an escalating series of such transformations. Revolution has been closely linked to struggles for national independence, as well as to attempts to engineer fundamental changes in the social order. These coalesced as a comprehensive movement for decolonization following the Second World War. Lenin, it stressed the role of a vanguard party to drag the workers and peasants to liberation, kicking and screaming if necessary (as proved to be the case). This reflects the clandestine organizing and cell-based struggle of revolutionary strategy, as well as the need to crush counter-revolutionary opposition before, during, and after the revolution. It also attests to the conviction of some revolutionaries that the world should share in their victory, or be subjugated by it. Revolutionaries pursued armed struggle not as a conclusion to political struggle, but as a central means of that struggle from the outset. Likewise, established power has used force not merely to defeat open insurrection, but to stamp out revolutionary forces and terrorize their actual or potential social supporters. As revolution became armed struggle, counter-revolution became counter-insurgency. In this sense there has been a radical change in the character of many revolutionary processes. Revolutions made possible the imposition of radical ideologies and new orders that legitimated genocide. Revolutions leading to wars facilitated the implementation of genocide as a policy of the state. But it includes even more cases in which colonial and contemporary state authorities sought to stamp out "revolutionary" threats through genocide. In all cases, once war is unleashed, the radicalization and extremism of organized mass violence, described previously, come to dominate the equation. The nuclear revolution and "omnicide" Total war is no longer only between all members of one national community and all those of another: it is also total because it will very likely set the whole world up in flames. Jean-Paul Sartre As revolutions in the social and political sphere represent dramatic irruptions of new actors and social forces, so technological revolutions transform the world and human history. Atomic bombs had the power to render conventional weapons obsolete, while "the destructive power of the hydrogen bomb was as revolutionary in comparison with the atomic bomb as was the latter to conventional weaponry. Both involved professionals whose specialization and distancing from the actuality of destruction helped them to inflict or prepare to inflict holocaust. Both mindsets accepted megadeath as necessary for purity and cleansing: With [nuclear] deterrence, there is the assumption that we must be prepared to kill hundreds of millions of people in order to prevent large-scale killing, to cure the world of genocide. With the Nazis, the assumption was that killing all Jews was a way of curing not only the Aryan race but all humankind. Involvement in a therapeutic mission helps block out feelings of the deaths one is or may be inflicting. They will lack direct memories of the "balance of terror" and the (il)logic of "mutually assured destruction" that pervaded the Cold War. These spawned a degree of fear and mass psychosis that marked for life many of those who lived under it, including myself.

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